Glueing Belgium back together one vote at a time

By Khaled Diab

With little more than a hollow shell, I'll be using my vote as a squirt of glue to help hold the collapsing country together.

Friday 23 May 2014

Equipped with the best team in a generation, soccer mania has infected Belgium in the run-up to the World Cup in Brazil, as I witnessed during a recent visit home. The Red Devils, as the national side is known locally, seem to be everywhere: in the media, in sold-out sticker albums, and even a Red Cross blood donation campaign.

In a country where flag-waving is generally anathema, the soccer version of the national banner is everywhere and the national colours — black, yellow and red — are smeared on cheeks or dyed into wigs.

But the red devil, as always, is in the detail. Despite the apparent surge in national pride, the forthcoming regional, federal and EU elections, which will be held on 25 May, highlight the reality that Belgium has, in effect, become two separate states.

The divisions separating -speaking Flanders from Francophone Wallonia extend to , culture, identity and consciousness – at least at first sight.

In Dutch-speaking Flanders, which has long had a fractured political landscape, polls forecast that the neo-liberal, secessionist Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie (N-VA) will top the ballot with a third of the vote. In contrast, in Francophone Wallonia, it is the leftist Parti Socialiste (PS) which is likely to walk away with a third of the vote, putting it in first place.

Over and above the apparent right-left split between the north and south, there is the perennial linguistic chasm, which is deepened by the parallel and separate socio-economic realities in which the regions exist.

In addition to the economic gap between the prosperous north and the struggling south, Belgium has not had national parties or national media for decades, while too has been regionalised. This has led to the drifting apart of the country's constituent parts, and a rise in relative ignorance, distrust and even demonisation.

This gradual fading of “Belgium” is perhaps most symbolically embodied in the endangered status of the quintessential Belgian, the bilingual Bruxellois/Brusselaar, who firmly had one foot on each side of the language frontier.

Today, though remains officially bilingual, its residents are mostly Francophone, with a minority of Dutch speakers. Beyond Brussels, English is increasingly becoming the second language of choice for Flemings and Walloons alike, making it an unofficial social and business lingua franca.

As a naturalized who has been a Belgian for nearly a decade now, I find this slow disintegration to be a terrible shame. This is partly because I appreciate the eccentric and understated appeal of this country with a dull reputation but an understatedly cool reality.

Moreover, for people like me of immigrant background, it is often easier and less troublesome to identify as “Belgian” because it does not carry the same ethnic baggage that Flemish or does.

Like “British” is a more neutral label than English, Scottish, Welsh or Northern Irish, Belgian is better suited to . In fact, with some two-thirds of the population of Brussels of foreign origin (including European), the ethnic complexion of the bilingual Brusselaar/Bruxellois — and, hence, quintessential, Belgian — has rapidly shifted.

This is exemplified on the soccer pitch, among other places. Take, for example,  Congolese-Belgian footballer Vincent Kompany, the captain of the national squad. Equally at home in both Dutch and French, he not only plays for the national side but acts as a unifying figure between the country's bickering communities, both of whom are proud of the success he has found in England, including two English Premier League titles for Manchester City in 2013/14 and 2011/12.

Although many Belgians I know have reconciled themselves to the prospect that they will outlive their country, I don't think we should condemn Belgium to the dustbin of future history just yet.

Wits have joked that Belgians only feel a sense of shared nationhood when abroad, where they become ambassadors or even missionaries for the finer aspects of the national lifestyle, from probably the world's best beer and chocolate to the country's fine cuisine and music.

In Jerusalem, where I am currently based, I have found that there is more than a grain of truth to this. Amongst the surprisingly large Belgian community here, there is a shared sense of kinship, camaraderie and solidarity between Walloons and Flemings – albeit a typically understated and pragmatic Belgian variety.

While this may have something to do with the more open-minded and inclusive nature of being an expat, it strikes me that many back home share similar sentiments. Surveys regularly show that clear majorities on both sides want Belgium to survive, despite the Byzantine bickering of the political class.

Moreover, despite the visible political divergence between Flanders and Wallonnia, a recent survey conducted by VRT, the Flemish public broadcaster, revealed that the majority of Belgian voters have similar political positions and views. “Whether it relates to socioeconomic, ethical, immigration or environmental issues, you need a magnifying glass to see the difference between Flemings and Walloons,” concluded the columnist and political scientist Dave Sinardet.

And this would come as no surprise for anyone who has actually lived among the two communities. Equipped with the perspective of the relative outsider, I have long held that Flemings and Walloons have more in common with one another than they do with the French or the Dutch, both of whom are viewed with suspicion due to their colonial history in Belgium.

One characteristics which both Flemings and Walloons share is their penchant to strike “Belgian compromises”, a form of settlement by which all sides concede something in return for something else, creating a complex web of gains and losses in which there is no victor or vanquished. Although this political art form has had a lower success rate in recent years, it has ensured that this of more than a century has never erupted into violence, nor captured international headlines, except in the surreal.

Come election day, this Belgian, for one, will use his ballot not only as a small squirt of glue to help hold Belgium together, but also as a vote of confidence in its multicultural future and capacity for .

Follow Khaled Diab on Twitter.

A condensed version of this article first appeared in The New York Times on 18 May 2014.



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19 thoughts on “Glueing Belgium back together one vote at a time

  • Pingback: Soccer memories | Moontje's weblog

  • That’s not what I’m saying. I brought up the demise of Walloon as an indicator of the under-appreciated class aspect of the struggle in Belgium. Like poor Flemish farmers, the state also did not recognise the language of poor Walloon peasants and labourers. The key difference is that the Walloons decided to assimilate completely to the extent that their indigenous language today is on its deathbed.

  • Aw, it’s not the Flemish who took away the Walloon language, don’t see how this is related here.? And the history of French dominance lasted until Leuven Vlaams in 1968, no need to dig as deep as Napoleon or further. Their generation is stil in charge in higher mgt functions today and will gladly enlarge on that. That’s what I mean with facts.

  • And who were these higher forces? The government, law, army, education was dominated by the elite, especially at a time when there was no universal suffrage. In addition, in that period of European history, much of the elite of Europe used French as their lingua franca.

  • ‘The elites’… It really was the higher forces (the government, law, army, education) – it was forced, not a choice. This would smell like colonisation in any other country today. Anyway, end of the boring history class

  • I’m not sweeping anything under the carpet. Indeed, it caused problems that have ramifications to this day, but these must be addressed and overcome for tomorrow. Also, a nationalist mythology has grown up around the period which, in some quarters, makes the Walloons sounds like they were Napoleon! All I was saying was in response to Toby to point out that the situation in Belgium between to fairly evenly balanced regions doesn’t compare to Scotland.

  • To say there was no colonisation is also a stretch. Don’t get me wrong, I’m not a seperatist, but this cannot be swept of the table as a cultural fait-divers. It is a historical disequilibrium with many effects until this day causing that other disequilibrium voiced by you-know-who. One lead to the other. Who knows what’s next…

  • Yes, I’m aware of the long language struggle, Anne. But to call it colonisation is a stretch. It’s cultural hegemony, and one imposed by the elites in general, not just Walloons.

  • Toby, true, especially the current government. That said, the situation in the UK is very different. In Belgium, the two sides are of a similar size and neither has colonised the other, despite what some of the rhetoric might suggest, but both have been the subjects of colonisation by others.

  • Brilliant! If the British government had the same instinct for creative compromise then maybe the Scots wouldn’t be so keen on winning their independence.

  • Plus very interesting idea!

  • Very good, Khaled. Congratulations.


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